YEREVAN—Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan and his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov held wide-ranging talks in Yerevan on May 20–21, reaffirming the strength of Armenia-Russia strategic relations and addressing a host of pressing regional and bilateral issues.
At a joint press conference following their discussions, Mirzoyan emphasized that the region’s full economic potential remains unrealized. He reiterated Armenia’s position that regional development hinges on unblocking transport routes and restoring cross-border infrastructure. “We are confident that reopening regional communications and restoring transport infrastructure will significantly boost our mutually beneficial economic partnerships,” he said.
Mirzoyan presented Armenia’s “Crossroads of Peace” initiative as a strategic vision to transform the South Caucasus into a corridor of connectivity, economic exchange and reconciliation. In his view, the initiative offers tangible benefits for all regional stakeholders and provides a viable path toward shared prosperity.
In addition to infrastructure, Mirzoyan acknowledged the importance of addressing sensitive societal issues in bilateral engagements. He drew attention to recent changes in migration patterns, underscoring the need for collaborative management to prevent adverse effects on citizens’ livelihoods and interpersonal ties. The ministers also discussed challenges related to media and stressed the need for coordinated responses to emerging issues.
Lavrov, in turn, highlighted the comprehensive scope of their talks, stating that the ministers reviewed the implementation of top-level agreements in areas such as trade and security, as well as the expansion of diplomatic presence. He confirmed that preparations are underway to open a Russian Consulate General in Kapan—a move he described as part of a broader effort to strengthen Russia’s engagement with Armenia’s southern regions.
Lavrov reaffirmed Russia’s interest in enhancing interregional ties, particularly between municipalities and provinces in both countries. He announced ongoing preparations for the next Russia-Armenia Interregional Forum, which aims to deepen economic and cultural cooperation. “These practical efforts strengthen the foundation of our allied and strategic partnership,” he said.
On regional security, Lavrov expressed continued Russian support for Armenia’s active participation in the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), noting the importance of joint defense and intelligence cooperation. This year marks the 30th anniversary of the establishment of Russia’s military base in Armenia, which Lavrov described as a cornerstone of the country’s national security. Defense ties, Lavrov added, should build on the “rich experience accumulated over previous decades.”
The Armenian government announced in February that it was freezing its participation in the CSTO due to its failure to come to Armenia’s defense against Azerbaijani attacks.
The two sides also discussed regional diplomatic formats, including the “3+3” initiative involving Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Iran, Russia and Turkey. Lavrov noted that preparations are underway for the third ministerial meeting and expressed Moscow’s support for hosting upcoming sessions in Baku and Yerevan. “We believe Armenia and Azerbaijan can reach an agreement on hosting this meeting in their respective capitals, and we are ready to facilitate that process,” he said.
In response to criticism that Russia did not adequately respond to Azerbaijan’s attack on Armenia in September 2022, Lavrov said Russia and the CSTO had proposed deploying an observation mission in response—an offer he claimed was rejected by the Armenian government in favor of a European Union observer mission. “I don’t know what you consider an appropriate response, but there was one—timely and in accordance with our allied commitments,” Lavrov said.
Turning to the status of Nagorno-Karabakh/Artsakh, Lavrov revisited the October 6, 2022 Prague Declaration, in which Armenia and Azerbaijan agreed to resolve the issue based on the 1991 Alma-Ata Declaration, effectively recognizing Nagorno-Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan. Lavrov noted that this diverged from earlier understandings that the issue would be resolved through future negotiations.
He also addressed the use of Russian weapons in Azerbaijan’s attack on Artsakh in September 2023. Lavrov pointed out that Armenia had relied on Russian arms since independence, including during the first Nagorno-Karabakh war. Drawing a broader comparison, he remarked, “Russian weapons are used across the globe—even featured on Mozambique’s flag.”
Lavrov emphasized that at no point had any Armenian leader formally requested that Russia recognize Nagorno-Karabakh’s independence—reflecting the complexity of the issue and the caution exercised by successive Armenian governments in managing relations with both Russia and Azerbaijan.
Mirzoyan, meanwhile, clarified Armenia’s current geopolitical orientation, stating unequivocally, “Armenia has not applied for European Union membership, and no such negotiations are underway.” This statement appeared aimed at countering speculation about Yerevan’s foreign policy trajectory while balancing historical ties with Russia amid growing cooperation with the West.
On the day of Lavrov’s arrival, a group of activists aligned with the pro-European “For the Republic” party displayed an anti-Putin poster on Kievyan Bridge and near the Russian Embassy. The flag depicted Russian President Vladimir Putin in handcuffs with the word “killer” in Armenian, Russian and English. The protest drew swift condemnation from Russian officials.
Alexey Chepa, First Deputy Chairman of the Russian State Duma Committee on International Affairs, called the demonstration a “provocation” and urged Armenian authorities to act. “Those who hung insulting posters targeting President Vladimir Putin must be punished in the harshest terms,” Chepa told NEWS.ru.
Meanwhile, during a joint press conference with Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán in Budapest, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev addressed key aspects of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy, including Armenia-Azerbaijan negotiations.
Aliyev portrayed his government as the initiator of post-war negotiations, noting that Azerbaijan had proposed the initial draft of the peace treaty, which Armenia had largely accepted, albeit with certain amendments. However, Aliyev outlined two primary conditions for finalizing the agreement:
- Constitutional amendments in Armenia: Aliyev insisted that Armenia revise its constitution to eliminate any territorial claims against Azerbaijan. He argued that such claims—whether explicit or implicit—undermine Azerbaijan’s sovereignty and hinder the peace process.
- Dissolution of the OSCE Minsk Group: Calling the group obsolete and ineffective in resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Aliyev urged its formal dissolution. He emphasized that Armenia’s reluctance to accept this condition could prolong tensions and instability in the region.
Aliyev also addressed the concept of “Western Azerbaijan,” referring to parts of Armenia’s internationally recognized territory. He framed the desire of so-called “Western Azerbaijanis” to return to their ancestral lands as a matter of human rights, not territorial expansion. Aliyev criticized Armenia for portraying this issue as a threat to its sovereignty, asserting that such claims distort the true nature of the demand for return.
Hoory Minoyan
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The contrast between Mirzoyan and Lavrov, couldn’t be starker. The former is a novice, incompetent and a lightweight, whereas the latter is a highly experienced Machiavellian strategist for decades now. It is not only a misfortune, but a calamity, that Armenia is led by such incompetent men during its most perilous moments.
In recent remarks, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov claimed that Russia “did not fail” Armenia or neglect its obligations as an ally in the face of repeated Azeri aggression. It’s a line that might work in front of a camera in Moscow—but for anyone who has followed the last few years in the South Caucasus, it rings hollow, if not outright absurd.
Lavrov’s words are not just misleading. They are a painful distortion of reality for a country that placed its national security, its trust, and in many cases its future, in the hands of a partner that did not show up when it mattered most.
Let’s start with the excuse Russia always leans on—the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). According to Lavrov, the CSTO was never required to defend Armenia because its treaty only covers internationally recognized territory.
In September 2022, Azerbaijan launched a cross-border attack that claimed the lives of Armenian soldiers and seized over 150 square kilometers of sovereign Armenian territory—not disputed lands, not Nagorno-Karabakh, but Armenia proper. Yerevan triggered Article 4 of the CSTO, which should have prompted collective defense measures. The response? A monitoring mission—months later. No intervention. No deterrence. No security.
It was a clear violation of both the spirit and substance of a mutual defense pact. If that doesn’t qualify as a failure to protect an ally, what does?
Beyond the CSTO, Russia and Armenia have maintained a bilateral strategic partnership for decades. Armenia hosts a Russian military base in Gyumri, and Russian border guards help patrol its southern and western frontiers. These arrangements weren’t symbolic—they were practical manifestations of Moscow’s long-standing role as Armenia’s security guarantor.
But when Azerbaijan began escalating its military pressure—shelling villages, occupying land, and killing civilians—Russia did nothing. And that silence echoed far louder than any official statement.
It’s hard to argue you’re protecting your ally when your ally is bleeding and you’re nowhere to be found.
In 2020, Russia brokered the ceasefire that ended the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. Russian peacekeepers were deployed to protect the Lachin corridor—the only route connecting Armenia to the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh).
But when Azerbaijan blockaded the corridor in December 2022, cutting off food, medicine, and fuel, Russian peacekeepers simply watched. They allowed a humanitarian crisis to unfold under their noses. When Azerbaijan launched a final military offensive in September 2023—effectively dissolving Armenian presence in the region—Russian forces again did nothing.
Peacekeepers who do not keep the peace are not neutral. They are irrelevant at best and complicit at worst.
The broader context matters too. Over the past several years, Russia has deepened its ties with Azerbaijan and Turkey—two authoritarian states that see Armenia’s democratic turn as a threat to their regional ambitions. Joint military drills, expanded energy cooperation, diplomatic coordination—Russia is aligning itself with Baku and Ankara, not Yerevan.
Armenia, on the other hand, has been treated like a liability. Why? Perhaps because it dared to hold free elections. Because it refused to be a puppet. Because it started talking to Europe and the United States.
Whatever the reason, the consequences have been brutal. Armenia stood alone while Russia looked the other way.
You don’t need a foreign policy analyst to explain what happened. Just listen to the Armenian people. Their disillusionment is visible everywhere—from street protests to public opinion polls to parliamentary decisions. Armenia has frozen its participation in CSTO activities. It has ratified the Rome Statute, making Vladimir Putin legally vulnerable if he ever visits. These aren’t symbolic acts. They’re a severing of ties rooted in real pain and betrayal.
Lavrov’s attempts to gaslight the world into believing Russia stood by Armenia are not just inaccurate—they are offensive.
Russia didn’t just fail to help Armenia. It abandoned it at a moment of existential crisis. It watched as Armenian land was occupied. It stood down as civilians were displaced. It allowed a centuries-old Armenian presence in Artsakh to be wiped out.
This is a breach not just of alliance obligations, but of basic human decency and historical responsibility.
The time for excuses is over. Lavrov’s denials won’t erase what happened. The Armenian people will not forget—and neither should the world.
As the Russian federation relationship with the post Soviet states and the rest of Europe has declined under his long term in office maybe some of this might have something to do lavarov himself. Also Armenians have been too naive and trusting, there was even a sense that as a half ethnic Armenian he would be naturally sympathetic to Armenia this notion has not been borne out by reality at all and a wiser and more realistic assessment of events is welcome. Moscow has a nasty habit of seeing it’s allies whom it keeps weak and vulnerable on purpose as collateral in its own interests this happened a century ago with the stitch up by Bolsheviks and again under Putin where to curry favour with Turkey and Azerbaijan mindful of its confrontation with the west it betrayed Armenia which had been it’s most loyal ally in the South Caucasus region, seperatley Moscow failed on purpose to support Syria it’s ally in the Levant to curry favours with Israel and Turkey. Don’t be fooled by its all because of Pashinyan nonsense from the Kremlin..
@Hagop
Armenia’s alliance with Russia is based on history, blood and, above all, geography.
The alternative is what, really?
Armenia does not have the freedom of choice.
Just look at a map.
Russia is, was and will always be a problem for Armenia, never a solution.
Looking at a map it’s clear that Armenia doesn’t actually adjoin Russia
Armenia has long national history and hence interactions with other peoples and nations long before there was a Russian nationhood
Russia has long sought to control Armenia by your surrounded by enemies. Plenty of Armenian blood was split when Armenians rose against the Turks only to find Russia wasn’t there to assist and as citizens of the Soviet Union against the Nazi invasion. More blood has been spilt over the perverse and generally biased towards Azerbaijan Soviet era internal boundaries.
PS Armenia under Pashinyan government recognised Palestine after decades of prevarication, and as it turned out with Israel hiding to nothing putting an end to a peculiar situation especially considering that Azerbaijan Israel best friend in the area recognised Palestine in 1992