A 15-year walk across a 35-year Republic
Fifteen years ago today, on the 20th anniversary of Armenia’s re-independence, I sat down as a young man fresh out of university and penned an earnest reflection, accompanied by a headshot of me sporting a look of naivety and a full head of hair (both long gone). I was in Yerevan volunteering through Birthright Armenia at a newly founded think tank, swept up in that intoxicating blend of pride and discovery that so often embraces diasporans when they first spend an extended season living in the homeland. That night in 2011, I stood among tens of thousands of people filling Republic Square, watching fireworks explode into the midnight sky. I wrote then that the sounds of explosions had shifted from the terrifying echoes of a war from years earlier to bursts of joy and national pride. With the characteristic certainty of youth, I concluded that after two decades of post-Soviet hardship, our young republic was finally stepping onto an inevitable path toward democracy, stability and enduring statehood.
Today, on the 35th anniversary of that same republic, I find myself sitting by my window just a few short streets away from that very square, listening to the muffled, repetitive thud of sound checks for tonight’s concert. The stage lights are sweeping across the facades of pinkish tuff, and within hours, the square will fill with music and celebration once again. Yet looking out at the city that has become my home for the past six years, the optimism of that 20-something volunteer feels like it belongs to another lifetime.
It is tempting to look back at those earlier words with a forgiving smile, dismissing them as the innocent musings of someone who had not yet seen history show its teeth. Of course, now I know that real reflection requires a colder, more sober, more uncomfortable honesty. That innocence was not mine alone, nor was it entirely accidental; it was part of a comfortable, collective atmosphere we all chose to inhabit. In writing so confidently about the end of war and the permanence of our triumph, wasn’t I giving voice to an unwritten consensus that an entire generation had unspokenly agreed upon? If we search our memories honestly, weren’t there unsaid, persistent doubts that we actively chose to brush aside? Those brief moments when we wondered if the post-1994 reality was truly sustainable, if time was actually on our side, or if our adversaries were methodically preparing for a reckoning while we treated a fragile ceasefire as a permanent verdict of history? We told those pesky internal voices to shut up. Confronting them would have forced us to face our own vulnerabilities, our institutional stagnation, and the terrifying possibility that our hard-won victory was gradually decaying into an existential trap. We preferred the warmth of the status quo, of perceived certainty, and in doing so, we allowed our collective vigilance to deteriorate.
I’ve said it before, and I’d be remiss not to say it again: Living here strips away almost every romantic idea about Armenia. It does not resolve one’s relationship with the Armenian condition; if anything, it makes that relationship far more demanding, intimate and unsettled.
And so, I ask myself: How do we celebrate 35 years of independence against the backdrop of catastrophic, generational loss? The booming bass of tonight’s concert rehearsals feels profoundly disorienting when held up against the silence of Artsakh — an indigenous cradle of our civilization for millennia. It was during these very days, exactly three years ago, on the eve of this very anniversary, that the final, devastating blow was struck. In a matter of days, after months of agonizing starvation, Artsakh was forcibly emptied of its entire Armenian population while the world watched on with sterile diplomatic statements. Over 100,000 of our people now walk among us as displaced in their own land, carrying the crushing grief of lost homes, abandoned ancestral graves and churches left to be vandalized or systematically rebranded by state-sponsored falsification. Meanwhile, Armenian soldiers, civilians and political leaders remain locked in Baku’s prisons, their ongoing torment treated as an inconvenient speed bump on the road toward signing hollow, one-sided diplomatic treaties.
Yet what is perhaps most disorienting is not the hostility of our neighbors, but the profound intellectual and moral fatigue that has settled here domestically. Fifteen years ago, I celebrated the idea of a society striving toward democracy despite the difficulties. To be fair to my younger self, I was not completely blind then; I voiced some criticism (perhaps far too gently, or not critically enough) of the ruling regime of that era, lamenting an oligarchic order where hyper-privatization enriched only a select few while deepening the public’s disenchantment. Yet even with those critiques, I still clung to the conviction that democracy was the self-evident antidote, the promised horizon toward which we were slowly, but surely, inching.
To walk through Yerevan today is to see undeniable signs of modernization: public spaces reclaimed as illegal structures and garish billboards are systematically dismantled; routine, petty corruption is nearly eradicated; digital e-governance is streamlined; and a thriving, innovative tech economy has lent the city a bright, cosmopolitan confidence. But beneath the pristine banner of democratic branding and westward-facing slogans, that promise feels profoundly warped, and our civic landscape increasingly fragile. We watch pretrial detention normalized as an everyday instrument to neutralize political rivals. We see an aggressive, unprecedented campaign aimed at discrediting historical pillars, most visibly Armenian national symbols and the Armenian Apostolic Church, as the state attempts to intrude upon ecclesiastical boundaries and demands unconditional conformity from a public that is already emotionally exhausted.
Even that new cosmopolitan glow comes with an unsettling cost: Yerevan, in its haste to look outward, often no longer feels like Yerevan at all. It is steadily shedding its distinct Armenian character — that unmistakable, lived-in warmth and collective memory that once defined its sidewalks — in favor of a sanitized modernity that could belong to almost any gentrifying hub in Europe. And this is not the grievance of an old-timer clinging to the past; it comes from someone whose relationship with this city dates back only to 2000. Yet even across those two and a half decades, the shift is palpable: A city that once drew its magnetic pull from being the raw, beating heart of a global nation now feels eager to sand down its own edges, as if its particular heritage were something awkward that needed to be smoothed away for international consumption.
A city that once drew its magnetic pull from being the raw, beating heart of a global nation now feels eager to sand down its own edges, as if its particular heritage were something awkward that needed to be smoothed away for international consumption.
Underneath these political maneuvers lies an even more troubling philosophical shift: an attempt to condition our society into accepting historical amnesia as the price of survival. The authorities increasingly promote an artificial contradiction between the “real Armenia” and the “historical Armenia,” suggesting that our shared memory, our cultural heritage and our collective consciousness are dangerous impediments to statehood. We watch Mount Ararat removed from official border stamps, hear talk of rewriting the constitution to strip away foundational references to our declaration of independence, and listen to proclamations of a “Fourth Republic” meant to sever us from the very statehood declared in 1991. What, then, are we celebrating tonight in Republic Square? How can we commemorate 35 years of an independent republic while the ruling philosophy treats the inception of that very republic as an error that must now be expunged? True sovereignty cannot be built on erasing identity, and a state that demands its citizens forget who they are in exchange for stability is not building peace, but managing its own retreat.
At the same time, looking toward the political opposition offers no clarity or reassurance. Trapped in personal rivalries, outdated rhetoric and an inability to present a credible, ethical alternative for the nation, the opposition remains largely adrift. It offers neither the vision nor the institutional trust required to heal a fractured society, leaving the public caught between an administration eager to dismantle historical continuity and an opposition unable to step into today’s reality. In the middle sits a population weary of both, retreating into routine from sheer exhaustion and disillusionment.
How can we commemorate 35 years of an independent republic while the ruling philosophy treats the inception of that very republic as an error that must now be expunged? True sovereignty cannot be built on erasing identity, and a state that demands its citizens forget who they are in exchange for stability is not building peace, but managing its own retreat.
This domestic crisis is intimately tied to a broader, global rupture. For more than three decades, the diaspora oriented almost all of its resources, imagination and institutional energy around Armenia. In making the newly independent state the singular focal point of our national identity, did we inadvertently neglect our own communal health? Did we allow our diaspora schools, cultural foundations and independent intellectual spaces to erode under the assumption that a sovereign state would automatically secure our cultural survival?
Now, finding ourselves on the losing end of recent history, the disconnect between Armenia and the Armenian diaspora feels deeper and more fraught than ever. That divide is worsened when state officials adopt a patronizing, transactional view of our communities, casually declaring that the diaspora is destined for annihilation — that “undoubtedly the Armenian diasporas will go extinct” — unless it packs up and moves to Yerevan. To frame the relationship between the state and the diaspora as a zero-sum competition, arguing that one cannot be strong if the other thrives, reveals a staggering lack of historical imagination. It reduces a global, multilayered civilization into a mere demographic reservoir. The diaspora is not a temporary anomaly waiting to vanish, nor is it a subordinate cheering section for the government of the day; it is an enduring pillar of Armenian existence, one that has carried our literature, our institutions and our political consciousness across generations.
On Sept. 20, my own community in Toronto took to the streets in a jubilant parade, marching from its home base since the late 1970s to officially inaugurate a new (third) centre—the Nareg Armenian Educational and Cultural Centre. It was a massive, historic investment in our community’s future — a state-of-the-art expansion with dozens of new classrooms, labs and gathering spaces designed to house generations of students and community life. Yet here lies the haunting question that tears at me every day: How connected are these two worlds today? How can a diaspora community be marching through the streets of North America, dedicating tens of millions of dollars to build vibrant new institutional homes for our language and heritage, while the political leadership here in Yerevan dismisses those very communities as doomed relics waiting for extinction? How do we reconcile that enormous investment in the Armenian future thousands of miles away with the retreat, self-censorship and historical erasure unfolding right here beneath my window? We exist in parallel realities, speaking past each other, bound by blood and history, yes, yet fundamentally alienated in our immediate sense of purpose.
These questions do not leave me as I look out my living room. How did we reach a point where statecraft is defined by what we are willing to concede? How did the hopeful republic of my youth evolve into a system that lectures its citizens on the necessity of diminishing themselves, while alienating the global nation that stands ready to support and uphold it?
How did we reach a point where statecraft is defined by what we are willing to concede?
The afternoon is slipping into dusk, and the crowds are steadily making their way down the street toward Republic Square. From my window, I can see young families walking hand in hand, children holding small tricolor flags, and groups of teenagers laughing as they move toward the stage. The evening air carries that familiar late-September coolness; the music will begin shortly, the tuff stone will glow with fancy, high-tech 3D projections, and the midnight sky will likely burst with violent, beautiful color once again. But I can no longer look down at that spectacle with the unburdened, uncritical gaze of 2011.
Thirty-five years into our independence, we are navigating a profound, agonizing crisis of purpose. We are being tested on whether we dare to demand a peace rooted in genuine dignity rather than anxious submission, and whether we can love this country without severing it from within. Living in Armenia today means living with these unresolved, often painful realities every hour. It means accepting that true patriotism does not belong to the curated fanfare on the stage, nor does it reside in the rehearsed soundbites of leaders who ask us to trade our memory for stability. It lives, instead, in the unwavering resolve to tell the truth about where we are, what we have lost, and what it truly takes to move forward with dignity and to endure.
Even amid this heavy reckoning, I refuse to surrender to despair. Despair is the easy path — it asks nothing of us except our withdrawal into cynicism. But the hope we need today is not the cheap, naive optimism of my youth that assumed progress was automatic and triumph was permanent. It is a much harder, battle-tested hope. It is a hope born of defiance, grounded in the undeniable spirit of a people who have outlasted every empire, every catastrophe and every historical script written for their demise.
Even amid this heavy reckoning, I refuse to surrender to despair. Despair is the easy path — it asks nothing of us except our withdrawal into cynicism.
That hope is tangible. I see it when a displaced family from Artsakh, stripped of everything except their dignity, starts a new business outside of Yerevan, choosing to build anew rather than break. I see it when a teacher in a border village enters a classroom each morning with unyielding dedication, and when young entrepreneurs and scholars stay here, working relentlessly to anchor this fragile state in modern excellence. And I see it across oceans, in moments like the Sept. 20 inauguration in Toronto, where an entire community poured its soul and its resources into a new community hub, proving that thousands of miles away, our language, heritage, and love for Armenia are not fading into extinction, but building new sanctuaries to educate the next generation.
We are a nation that spans the globe, and that has continually refused the fate assigned to it. Our survival has never been clean or easy; it has always been exhausting and across generations. The leaders who govern Armenia today — and the opposition figures who vie to replace them — are temporary stewards who will inevitably pass into history. What remains is the land itself, the culture that breathes life into it and the shared covenant between our people here and across the diaspora.
In a little while, the fireworks will echo between the stone facades of the square, and my dog, Srjeni, will withdraw to our bathroom floor out of fear. But we will watch the sky light up, not as an illusion of victory, but as a witness to our continued breath. Armenia is our home — wounded, imperfect, heartbreaking and beautiful. Independence at 35 is not a completed triumph, but an ongoing struggle to defend our country’s right to exist on our own terms. And our greatest act of loyalty to this land is not to avert our eyes from its pain, but to stay, to speak and to love it enough to believe that its story is still ours to write.




Artsakh is not and has never been an indigenous CRADLE of our civilization for millennia. why don’t you and the rest of diaspora drop this idea? I don’t want people not born in Armenia to decide the future of Armenia. I don’t know any Canadian Armenian who died fighting during 2020 war do you??
@Ani
Artsakh, Nakhichevan and Western Armenia are Armenia, and are a cradle of Armenian civilization and have been for three millennia – as much as the territory of the Republic of Armenia, the truncated remnant of the Armenian homeland. Just because these regions were lost to the Turks and ethnically cleansed of all Armenians, does not alter that reality – no matter how much you and Pashinyan pretend otherwise and attempt to whitewash Armenian presence and history, just as the Turks do, and just as they demand the same from those cowardly, appeasing Armenians who betray their cause – a behavior you and Pashinyan are already eagerly emulating.
While the loss of even one single Armenian in defense of the homeland is one too many, your lack of knowledge in Armenian history does not give you the right to make such baseless and self-loathing statement on Artsakh, one of the most ancient provinces of historic Armenia. Artsakh is not only one of the most ancient cradles of Armenian civilization but it is also the gatekeeper of Armenia. When Artsakh was liberated and defended for decades by patriotic Armenians, the enemy criminals were hundreds of kilometers away from the Armenian border. In absence of that, the enemy has camped out inside Armenia itself today. Study the official and ancient maps of the region and you will discover that the further back in history you go the bigger Armenia gets. The more into the future you go the smaller it gets. Then ask yourself how can a piece of territory such as Artsakh, almost exclusively populated by native Armenian population, finds itself in enemy territory that itself never existed throughout the entire history of Artsakh. An enemy that to this day is trying to invent an identity for itself by erasing ours and at the expense of our nation.
Furthermore, the Artsakh Liberation Movement did not begin in the Armenian Diaspora. It began in Yerevan about four decades ago with participation of nearly half the population of Armenia. It is not the people “not born in Armenia”, as you put it, who decides the future of Armenia. It is the citizens of Armenia with the ability to vote who make decisions on the future of Armenia. Unfortunately, most of them are politically ignorant and detached from reality who choose an unpatriotic and incompetent clowns like Pashinyan who is destroying the country piece by piece and whose so-called “velvet revolution” has benefitted none other than our enemies because they got from him what they wanted and more. A deceptive and psychopathic narcissistic clown who seems to be suffering from amnesia when it comes to our rich and ancient history and our legitimate rights and, who with his own admission, had the chance and the opportunity to stop the 2020 war early on and save thousands of lives but he decided not to do so because he did not want to be labeled a traitor! That is the least of what he has become today. The citizens of Armenia who are the primary decision makers of the future of Armenia and the Armenian Diaspora, devoid of such rights, are both indivisible parts of the same family and no Armenian leader, or one masquerading as one, can divide and break that tie for personal gains and agenda. The Armenian Diaspora is not only a major asset for Armenia both in terms of financial and political assistance actively lobbying for the interests of Armenia in foreign capitals, it is also a constant reminder to our leadership in Armenia, as well as a reminder to our enemies, why it exists throughout the world outside of Armenia and that it will always act as the memory and the guardian of our heritage and that it will spare nothing to remind those who may try to stray from all that there are certain red lines no Armenian leader should or can cross!
I agree with you 100%
15-year walk in the 35-year-long Republic is a significant walk. I read and re-read the article not to draw a hasty conclusion and distill the essence of that long walk in different weather that has led the treader to the September 21, 2026, Armenia celebrating its independence on the Republican Square. The only conclusion I drew is the following. The treader has come to a fork, unsure which turn to take, but more importantly which to pave. Indeed, “how do we celebrate independence against the backdrop of catastrophic, generational loss?” of which we all know, and know all too well.
Ani, in just a few short lines, you have managed to compress so many sweeping historical falsehoods, assumptions, and bad-faith accusations that I would be remiss not to address them head-on. I will start off by saying that it is surreal that Artsakh’s basic Armenian indigeneity even needs to be defended, but considering how pervasive historical distortion and cynical talking points have become, perhaps I shouldn’t be surprised…
To claim that Artsakh has never been an indigenous cradle of Armenian civilization completely ignores basic, indisputable recorded history. Artsakh’s Armenian presence is neither a modern political invention nor a romantic myth cooked up in the diaspora. For decades, the systematic denial of Artsakh’s Armenian antiquity has been the signature state project of the Aliyev regime in Baku—an aggressive campaign of historical revisionism aimed at erasing Armenian cultural continuity. Independent international scholars, historians, archaeologists, and global cultural heritage monitors have thoroughly dismantled and rejected that propaganda line.
Classical antiquity documented the region as an integral part of Armenia over 2,000 years ago, and early medieval chroniclers like Movses Khorenatsi recorded it as one of Armenia’s provinces. Beyond written texts, the landscape itself bears tangible proof. It was at Amaras Monastery in Artsakh, founded in the early fourth century, where Mesrop Mashtots established the very first school to teach the newly invented Armenian alphabet. The letters we use to read and write our language took root in that soil, alongside ancient cities like Tigranakert, medieval monastic centers like Dadivank and Gandzasar, and thousands of distinct Armenian khachkars. The academic consensus among serious historians, from classical specialists to modern authorities, leaves no doubt about who built, inhabited, and defended those lands.
If you are genuinely interested in learning rather than parroting talking points that sound like they were drafted in Baku, a clear starting point can be found in two introductory pieces published on h-pem (an online cultural platform I used to edit) written by a close friend of mine during my tenure there:
1. A Brief Introduction to Artsakh’s Culture (Part 1): https://www.h-pem.com/en/analysis/2020/10/05/a-brief-introduction-to-artsakh-s-culture-1/29
2. A Brief Introduction to Artsakh’s Culture: The Karabakh Dialect (Part 2: https://www.h-pem.com/en/analysis/2020/10/13/a-brief-introduction-to-artsakh-s-culture-karabakh-dilaect-2/30
While these articles offer accessible overviews, the primary sources and bibliographies listed beneath each piece provide great starting points for further exploration. If you would like a more in-depth/academic reading list, I would be more than glad to share specific titles and authors (though it feels surreal that I even have to provide reading material to prove thousands of years of our own documented heritage, but here we are…)
Then comes your dismissive reference to “you and the rest of the diaspora.” That phrase reveals a fundamental misunderstanding of what our nation is, how this republic functions, and who I actually am. I was born and raised in the diaspora, and I take great pride in that heritage. Treating the diaspora as a disconnected foreign entity, or worse, as a demographic nuisance waiting to assimilate and disappear, reflects a staggering lack of historical imagination. The diaspora is not a temporary cheer section to be summoned when the state needs donations or foreign lobbying, only to be cast aside the moment critical questions are raised. It is an enduring, foundational pillar of Armenian existence.
More importantly, your nativist assumption that I am an armchair spectator pontificating from thousands of miles away is entirely false. Yerevan has been my home for the past six years. I live here, work here, pay taxes here, and invest my daily existence in this society. Most fundamentally, I am a naturalized citizen of the Republic of Armenia. Under our Constitution, civic rights and responsibilities are not a caste system determined by the coordinates of the maternity ward where you were born. A naturalized citizen possesses the exact same constitutional rights, legal standing, and civic duty to care about this country’s future as someone whose family has lived here for generations.
The irony here is hard to ignore. For three decades, our republic has endured a painful demographic drain, with hundreds of thousands of native-born citizens seeking lives abroad (understandably driven by immense economic hardship, institutional stagnation, and, in many instances, a desire to secure their families or shield their sons from compulsory service). Meanwhile, when someone voluntarily leaves a comfortable, secure life abroad to move here (during the war, by the way), takes on the full legal liabilities of citizenship, pays taxes, and anchors their family’s future in this republic, they face gatekeeping. Telling someone who chose this republic with their feet, their livelihood, and their constitutional oath that they don’t get a say is legally illiterate and small-minded.
This hostility is not an accident; it is being actively manufactured from the top down. The current administration here has spent years driving a wedge between the homeland and the diaspora, engineering an artificial and dangerous division between what they brand the “Real Armenia” and the “Historical Armenia.” We see it in rhetoric that treats our national memory as a liability, the push to rewrite foundational legal documents, and officials who casually suggest the diaspora is destined for extinction unless it subordinates itself to the government of the day. Conditioning an exhausted public into accepting historical amnesia as the price of survival requires casting diasporans living in Armenia and diaspora communities as meddling outsiders.
Finally, your sneering question asking if I know any Canadian-Armenian who died fighting during the 2020 War is where your comment crosses from ignorance into something profoundly shameful. Yes, I do. Intimately.
His name was Kristapor Artin.
Kristapor was my youth group leader in Toronto—a mentor and role model to an entire generation of Canadian-Armenian youth, showing us through his everyday actions what humility, dignity, and service looked like. In 2011, he packed up his life in Canada, walked away from comfort, and repatriated his family to Armenia. He settled in Kapan and built businesses here. When Azerbaijan launched its full-scale invasion in September 2020, Kristapor didn’t take shelter behind his Canadian passport. He volunteered for the front lines, picked up a rifle, and went to defend his people. He was killed in action in October 2020 defending Shushi, and today he rests in the sacred ground of the Yerablur (you should visit sometime). His death made national headlines in Canada, reported by Canada’s public broadcaster CBC (https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/nagorno-karabakh-armenia-azerbaijan-1.5755538) and others, as the community mourned a man who gave everything for his land and people.
I do not need your cynical challenge to remember his sacrifice. When he was killed, the grief was personal and profound. I spoke about his selflessness and character when quoted in this article (https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2020-10-22/war-nagorno-karabakh-defines-armenia-azerbaijan) during the height of the fighting, penned a memorial elegy poem dedicated to him in (https://tert.nla.am/archive/NLA%20TERT/Azdak1927/2021/169_ocr.pdf; it’s on page 5, if you’re interested), and years later, reflected on students paying tribute to him at his grave at Yerablur in an essay for the Armenian Weekly about the vital importance of diaspora school trips to the Armenia (https://armenianweekly.com/2025/04/08/knowing-homeland-the-lasting-impact-of-class-trips-to-armenia/). I did so not to boast, but out of a sense of duty to a mentor who shaped who I am.
Nor was Kristapor alone. He had already volunteered and fought on the front lines during the First Artsakh War in the early 1990s, alongside other Canadian-Armenians from our communities in Toronto, Montreal, and elsewhere who left their lives in Canada to defend Artsakh. I grew up around those veterans. I saw their wounds, their prosthetic limbs, and the trauma they carried so that our people could live free on their ancestral soil. So yes, Canadian-Armenians have bled for this land.
You are entitled to your personal cynicism, and you can support whatever political narratives help you rationalize defeat. But you do not get to parrot Baku’s revisionist propaganda to erase millennia of Armenian history; you do not get to disenfranchise citizens who live, build, and contribute in this republic… and you will never use the blood of our fallen martyrs to score cheap points in an article’s comment section… not my article’s comment section anyway.
Next time you want to claim that Canadian-Armenians have never given their lives for this soil, remember the name Kristapor Artin.
Hear, hear!
Rupen Janbazian continues to be a driving force of information, of his love for our past, his dedication to our future-through his prolific writings, and knowledge.
In this article, he hits on many main points many of the diaspora feels, and continue to carry forward. Yet I myself do not know how to have those born and raised in Armenia to not only accept that diasporan Armenians have the same desire as those born there, but we are as committed. Yes, oceans may separate us, but a strong, independent Armenia is ultimately our same goal. I also hope as politicians come and go, that Armenia survives the current regime desire to forget our past, give away our lands, westernize us, all at the cost that many are ignoring.
Writing has been called just a paper tiger, that posting on social media is not the same as living in our ancient lands. does that mean I am expected to move back to Sepastia, Western Armenia? The argument that we should all pick up and move is naive and simply an excuse. We are the diaspora exactly because of the Turkish hatred to us as Armenians.
I encourage Rupen to keep up his writing, and keep us all abreast of realities many are choosing to ignore.
Greg Minasian