Israeli Cabinet recognition: A new chapter? Not so fast

Before we engage with this important topic, let’s put one thing on the table: Sincere criticism of the policies of the State of Israel does not equate to antisemitism. I will grant that some individuals who criticize Israeli policy may be motivated by antisemitic beliefs, but it is not appropriate for Israel to declare any disagreement with its aggressive policies is based on hatred of Jews. Armenians have ample reason to disagree with Israeli policies, not based on hatred, but because of their impact on the rights of Armenians in the homeland and the diaspora. This is a difficult topic to discuss openly, since many people, including Armenians, fear being labeled antisemitic. This has also become a dilemma for American Jews who have long supported Israel but are now embarrassed and appalled by the atrocities committed in Gaza, the West Bank and Lebanon by the Israeli military. Politically, Israel has become isolated from much of the international community amid the horrifying display of what many governments, rights groups and scholars have described as genocidal policy. Despite public disagreements with Israel over its relentless expansionist policies, the United States remains its primary supporter on the world stage. The vivid examples of atrocities, starvation and displacement have created more transparency in the separation of opposition to Israeli policies from antisemitism. This is a major shift. The relationship between the American Jewish and Armenian Americans has been cordial, based on common values in American society. The issue of American Jewry and Israel has become increasingly problematic as Israeli policy has become more anti-Armenian. Both groups, as Americans, have much in common, but each also has a distinct affinity for the homeland. Armenians cannot and should not ignore the long period of Jewish cooperation with Turkey to block U.S. recognition of the Armenian Genocide. This created a cloud over relations until Congress and the executive branch recognized the genocide during the Biden administration. Israel’s most overt actions have been tied to its energy-for-arms arrangement with Azerbaijan, under which Israel has become a major arms supplier to Azerbaijan in return for more than 40% of Israel’s energy needs. This agreement contributed directly to the deaths of many Armenians in the Artsakh war and attacks on Armenia’s sovereign borders. Azerbaijan also offers Israel intelligence proximity to Iran, while Armenia maintains close relations with Iran. The oldest community in the global Armenian diaspora exists in Jerusalem and the West Bank of occupied Palestine. The historic Armenian Quarter of Jerusalem has been under duress for decades, with a declining population and open harassment from Israelis. Armenians have also been subjected to discriminatory policies, including clergy harassment, settler encroachment and a lack of justice. The current Cow’s Garden campaign is another example of Christian Armenians defending their presence against attempts by developers, settlers and others to reduce their historic presence. The government’s ambivalence — some would say that is too kind a description — is troubling in a country already operating as an apartheid state. Armenia’s balanced policy is often stated in terms of its relations with Russia and the West, but the Iranian relationship is equally important and has gained higher visibility during the current war. Relations between Israel and Turkey, generally fluctuating based on political convenience, have reached a new low, with each side issuing military threats and many analysts viewing Turkey as the next area of confrontation for a Netanyahu-led Israel with a seemingly endless appetite for aggression. Turkey continues its expansionist rhetoric against fellow NATO allies Cyprus and Greece, adding further tension to an already volatile region. The current chapter of Israeli recognition drama began last fall when Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was asked why Israel has not recognized the Armenian Genocide. He incorrectly stated that he believed the Knesset had passed such legislation. After being corrected by the interviewer, he was asked why no Israeli prime minister had made a recognition statement. At that point, he made the now-famous, cavalier statement: “I just did. There you go." The flippant attitude did not lend credibility to his declaration. The deteriorating relations with Turkey and Israel’s political isolation seemed to be stronger motivators. His casual commentary proved that Israeli opposition has never been about the veracity of the genocide but about political convenience and self-interest. Israel has been reluctant to share the genocide stage with other victim nations and found the odd relationship with Turkey more beneficial. Israel’s aggression toward other Muslim communities, including Lebanon, Hezbollah and Iran, coupled with Turkey’s regional hegemony, has turned the tables on their relationship. A few weeks ago, Netanyahu followed up on his informal statement with a unanimous Cabinet declaration sponsored by his foreign minister. Formal recognition requires passage in the Israeli Parliament, the Knesset. The vote on a recognition resolution was scheduled despite the short runway before the Knesset’s summer recess. This week, the vote was frozen in the Knesset and postponed until parliament reconvenes after Oct. 27. Although public statements alluded mostly to procedural delays, many analysts view this as an attempt, with international mediation, to reduce tensions between Israel and Turkey. In other words, the issue remains a political football for Israel. Although this disruption is not completely unexpected, it gives the Armenian community an opportunity to digest its implications. Israel has not behaved as a neutral party in the recognition process over the last several decades. The refusal to acknowledge the Armenian Genocide, in addition to active lobbying efforts to block U.S. recognition, places Israel in the denier category. Israel’s current turnaround should be viewed with suspicion by Armenians, since past attempts have been marred by political considerations and this still seems to be a major consideration. Israel is late to this party. Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar stated that “it is never too late to do the right thing.” At face value, this may be true, but the recognition battle has been won. Until recent decades, the facts of the genocide were openly questioned by many nations. Brilliant scholarship, active lobbying and public access, such as the museum at Tsitsernakaberd in Armenia, have turned the tide. Those who refuse recognition are isolated and discredited as deniers. If the day arrives when Israel recognizes the genocide, it should not receive a hero’s welcome for this act. Israel has caused great harm to Armenians in Israel, Palestine and Armenia through its energy-for-weapons relationship with Azerbaijan. It is not a neutral observer that is simply doing the right thing. It is shameful that a nation such as Israel, founded after the Holocaust, has refused to acknowledge the pain of another people with a shared experience of genocide. In a moment of grotesque irony, a nation born out of the ashes of genocide has been accused of genocide while manipulating the genocide of another victim nation. These are choices Israel has made, and they have resulted in doubts about its sincerity. Armenians are not antisemitic or ungrateful if they do not pour into the streets in jubilation. The pain inflicted is real and creates skepticism. The dignity of Armenians cannot be negotiated. While the recognition process has restored our self-worth, the world has changed. Armenia is negotiating with Turkey on normalization and with Azerbaijan on a peace treaty. Although the process is complex and fraught with risks, it represents a new chapter. Using recognition as leverage has less value than it did when the outcome was in doubt. The most interesting outcome to watch in this process is the impact of any recognition effort on the Israeli-Azerbaijan alliance. The rhetoric has been strong from Turkey and Azerbaijan, but the Azerbaijani connection has material content that affects Armenia. Israel supplies weaponry to Azerbaijan that represents a threat to Armenia if regional dynamics shift. Would Azerbaijan reduce its weapons dependency on Israel over recognition of the Armenian Genocide? Would Israel, in response, seek alternative energy sources, since it currently uses the pipelines from Azerbaijan through Georgia and Turkey? One thing is clear: Israel will have to do more than make paper statements. If Armenians were confronted with a scenario in which Israel stopped arms shipments to Azerbaijan but did not recognize the genocide, how would they react? The timing of Israel’s recognition effort suggests political expediency. The delay in the Knesset is further evidence and suggests that Israel’s recognition integrity is a concern. In the wake of the Gaza atrocities, what credibility would simple Israeli recognition offer? Israel has the opportunity to do the right thing by reducing overt actions that are not in the interests of Armenia or its historical communities. Any recognition commitment must be backed by respect for the rights of the Armenian community in the Holy Land and by an end to weapons supplies that have been, and could continue to be, used against Armenians. France, for example, resisted Turkish threats when it recognized the genocide. In recent years, France has continued to support the Republic of Armenia with economic, diplomatic and military assistance. This has become an important relationship for Armenia. It reflects shared values and is an extension of what began as the acknowledgment of a historical fact. Israel can and must do the same.

Israeli Cabinet recognition: A new chapter? Not so fast

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Stepan Piligian

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This story is FREE for you...

Stepan Piligian

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