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Armenian government publishes Karabakh files; opposition says key documents still hidden

YEREVAN — The Armenian government has released 13 documents related to the Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) negotiation process, including the June 2019 proposal by the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs — long a point of contention among former and current authorities. 

The publication came on Dec. 2, just one day after the formal dissolution of the OSCE Minsk Group, the body that had mediated the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict for over three decades. The timing has drawn attention, as the group’s dismantling aligned with one of President Aliyev’s key preconditions for signing a peace treaty with Armenia: removing the last institutional framework that preserved the conflict’s international status.

The release immediately triggered strong reactions from opposition figures.

Artur Khachatryan, an MP from the “Hayastan Alliance” and a member of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF), sharply criticized the publication, calling it misleading, incomplete and politically motivated. 

“The documents published by Pashinyan allow us to draw several conclusions,” Khachatryan said. “Even a preliminary review shows that any negotiation option included would have been far more favorable to Armenia than the outcome his administration produced.”

He emphasized that the materials contradict Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s repeated claim that international negotiations focused solely on Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity. 

“Familiarize yourself with proposals from 2006 to 2019,” he wrote. “You will see that the right of self-determination for the people of Nagorno-Karabakh was consistently present in all working drafts, including the Lavrov Plan. The documents he published disprove his claims regarding the ‘interim status,’ as well.”

Khachatryan called the release partial and selective, noting omissions of historically significant proposals such as those from the 1990s, the 1997 Russian-Finnish co-chair package and even the 1988 Sakharov-Starovoitova plan. He also accused the government of misrepresenting UN Security Council resolutions. 

“Post-war, Pashinyan presented these resolutions as proof that Nagorno-Karabakh had to remain within Azerbaijan,” he stated. “That is false. UNSC Resolutions 874 and 884 were part of a broader package and did not dictate territorial outcomes. They were aligned with the OSCE Minsk Group’s comprehensive proposals, which included the future determination of Nagorno-Karabakh’s legal status.”

Khachatryan specifically denounced the handling of the 1999 Key West agreement, calling it one of the most critical negotiation documents. “No Key West document has been released,” he said. “Instead, Pashinyan presented a newspaper article from Haykakan Zhamanak, published in 2008 by Levon Ter-Petrosyan’s campaign team, and called it a ‘negotiation document.’ If they didn’t have the document, how could they make judgments about its contents? If they did, why not request copies from the co-chair countries?” 

He added that the 1999 OSCE Istanbul Declaration was also omitted: “In Istanbul, Armenia did not recognize Nagorno-Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan, contrary to what the current administration implies.”

Khachatryan further condemned the selective use of widely known historical excerpts, including from Vladimir Kazimirov’s book. “Anyone familiar with the Nagorno-Karabakh negotiations has long known these proposals. Presenting them now as ‘documents’ is almost a mockery of the historical record,” he said. He concluded, “The publication reveals both the government’s failure to defend Armenia’s position in negotiations and its systematic misrepresentation of facts.

Bagrat Mikoyan, head of the office of former Armenian President Robert Kocharyan, also criticized the government’s recent publication of negotiation documents, calling the compilation misleading and incomplete.

Speaking to NEWS.am, Mikoyan emphasized that several materials included are not official negotiation documents. He pointed to one entry labeled as a “document” that is, in fact, a 2008 newspaper article published by Haykakan Zhamanak and was never part of any formal negotiation.

“Calling this a document is inaccurate,” he remarked. “The Key West negotiation package, which was actually on the table during talks, is missing. Instead, the government included a text that was never formally negotiated or recognized as a negotiation document, published in a newspaper. Prime Minister Pashinyan refers to printed words from 2008 and calls it a document. If he had published the Key West agreement, the myth that Meghri could have been ceded would immediately collapse,” he continued.

Mikoyan also addressed the June 2019 proposal from the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs, which previous Armenian presidents had urged Pashinyan to release. He urged the public to review the original proposal to understand what Pashinyan allegedly rejected, contrasting it with the prime minister’s claims that Nagorno-Karabakh was irrevocably lost to Azerbaijan.

“People can read and see that what we have now — war, casualties, territorial losses and continuous humiliation — was all avoidable. The 2019 paper offered a legitimate negotiation path, unlike the so-called ‘Meghri exchange’ article published in Haykakan Zhamanak,” Mikoyan stated.

Responding to the government’s assertion that there was no viable way to maintain Nagorno-Karabakh under Armenian administration, Mikoyan argued that Pashinyan’s administration consistently ignored concrete solutions outlined in the 2019 proposal:

“They surrendered everything, gave up territory and endured losses, and only then began speculating with ‘what ifs’ about the proposals in that paper. Nothing outlined in the document was implemented and, instead, Pashinyan repeatedly claimed he was negotiating from scratch.”

Mikoyan further criticized the selective nature of the publication, noting that widely known materials such as the Madrid Principles and excerpts from Kazimirov were included, while the Key West negotiation papers — the most consequential documents — remain unpublished.

“If this is how the government negotiates diplomatically, it is no surprise we ended up in the current catastrophic situation,” he said.

There is every reason to believe that in discussions with international partners, including Aliyev and the Minsk Group co-chairs, Pashinyan substituted newspaper articles for actual proposals. This is alarming.”

Mikoyan concluded that the government’s omission of the Key West documents suggests a deliberate attempt to conceal inconvenient truths.

“The prime minister can debate with himself in the mirror using Haykakan Zhamanak articles, but independent experts say that a newspaper article, no matter how convincing, cannot be treated as an official negotiation document. International partners should ask: Are you mocking us by presenting your invention instead of our proposals? Such audacity has a cost in international relations, and our country is paying it systematically,” Mikoyan warned.

Levon Zurabyan, vice-chair of the Armenian National Congress, claimed the documents validate the opposition’s long-standing position that the 2019 proposal could have ensured peace, unblocking of regional routes and a de facto independent Artsakh. He argued that Pashinyan must now disclose the Armenian government’s official written response, which was not included in the published package.

“Either Pashinyan is hiding Armenia’s official response — which only deepens his culpability — or there was no response at all, revealing a far more alarming reality: that he ignored the proposal, effectively rejecting negotiations and paving the way to disastrous war,” Zurabyan concluded.

Armen Ashotyan, deputy chairman of the Republican Party, called the publication a “major political fiasco” for Pashinyan and said that the documents confirm the existence of a legitimate path preserving Artsakh’s right to self-determination.

He argued that the government’s attempt to invoke the 1996 Lisbon Summit was misleading and irrelevant to the 2019 proposal, calling the current administration’s narrative “false” and “manipulative.”

As debate continues, it remains unclear whether the government will publish the remaining negotiation materials, including the Key West documents.

 

Hoory Minoyan

Hoory Minoyan was an active member of the Armenian community in Los Angeles until she moved to Armenia prior to the 44-day war. She graduated with a master's in International Affairs from Boston University, where she was also the recipient of the William R. Keylor Travel Grant. The research and interviews she conducted while in Armenia later became the foundation of her Master’s thesis, “Shaping Identity Through Conflict: The Armenian Experience.” Hoory continues to follow her passion for research and writing by contributing to the Armenian Weekly.

3 Comments

  1. The misfortune of Armenia is not only being surrounded by two aggressive, expansionist, genocidal Turkic countries, which ruled, oppressed, persecuted, ethnically cleansed and massacred Armenians for many centuries, the bigger misfortune of Armenia is being led by a fifth column called Pashinyan, who is practically aiding the sabotage mission of Azerbaijan and Turkey against Armenia from within. An internal enemy like him is worse than an external enemy. Aliyev and Erdogan must be delighted to have such a weak, cowardly, submissive and appeasing guy as the leader of Armenia.

  2. PM Pashinyan, the master manipulator, creator of ingenious lies, the architect of the “Engineered Defeat” of the 44-Day War, through the selective release of documents is trying to convince us that the war was imposed on his administration due to miscalculations inherited from the “Old Guard” or the “Karabagh Clan” a derogatory label that he has a strong affinity for to convince the world that he is beyond any reproach.

    The National Assembly of Armenia established a “Fact-Finding Commission” to investigate the chronological progress of events that triggered the 44-Day War. A theatrical parody that had nothing to do with truth, and members of the committee concentrated the bulk of their efforts on whitewashing The Prime Minister of Armenia and his tragic miscalculations that sacrificed 5.000 Armenian brave soldiers. The Commission failed to include in its agenda the following critical questions: 

    1) Why did the Prime Minister of Armenia decide to go to war when he had several months to pursue an aggressive diplomatic campaign to avoid the war?
    According to Col. Gen. Onik Gasparyan,
    https://mil.am/en/news/8686
    he officially assumed his responsibilities as Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Armenia on June 8, 2020. On June 12, he exposed Prime Minister Pashinyan to the military-political landscape dominated by the treacherous Turkish presence and the close bonds forged between The Turkish Armed Forces and The Azerbaijani Army. His encounter with PM Pashinyan addressed also the state of readiness of The Armenian Defense Forces to confront the mushrooming threat and defend the fatherland including Artsakh. The same details were reiterated to the members of the Armenia’s Security Council a few days later.
    To all concerned parties Col. Gen. Gasparyan clearly pointed out that “Our opponent is no longer only Azerbaijan, but also Turkey. Therefore, Armenia cannot effectively confront the joint military potential of these states and it is necessary to direct all the political and diplomatic potential to avoid or at least postpone the war.”
    Why did the Government of Armenia, under Pashinyan’s leadership reject the advice of Col. Gen. Gasparyan to avoid the war by relying on the “Lavrov Plan” that was strongly recommended by the Russian Foreign Minister to The Armenian Government on multiple occasions since 2016.
    Yes the “Lavrov Plan” involved sacrifices requiring the return of the five Azerbaijani districts used as a “Buffer Zone” by Armenia. So what? The war our soldiers heroically waged against Turkey, Azerbaijan, Pakistan, Israel, and Islamist Mercenaries from Syria for six weeks extracted a much harsher price tag, the most excruciating portion of it was the loss of 5,000 Armenian soldiers who valiantly sacrificed their lives to protect the dignity of the fatherland and Artsakh.
    If a government is clearly told that it cannot win a war, why did it, for petty political scores designed to insure its own stay in power, ignore the advice of the military leadership and why did it steer the country to a painful capitulation?
    https://artsakhtheinadequateresponse.blogspot.com/2020/11/artsakhs-military-disaster-and-writings.html
    2) With the start of Azerbaijan’s military campaign on Sept. 27, 2020 the Armenian Army had a plan to mobilize to “Full Capacity” The Armed Forces of Armenia and Artsakh. Pashinyan refused to issue the proper orders for a “Full Capacity Mobilization”.
    According to Colonel General Movses Hakobyan of the Military Supervision Service, Pashinyan made minimal efforts in what was supposed to be an existential war for the survival of Artsakh and Armenia. “He revealed that by October 30, more than a month after the war began, that only 70% of Artsakh’s forces and 52% of the reservists in Armenia had been mobilized. According to him, Armenia’s military doctrine determines that near full mobilization should be achieved within 48 hours of a war beginning. He also said that on the third day of the war Pashinyan had ordered the supply of regular Armenian reservist to Artsakh be halted and replaced with only volunteer detachments.”
    https://hetq.am/en/article/124505
    3) Why did PM Pashinyan repeat for 44 days the lie that he is winning the war? 
    4) Why did he refuse to accept the help of foreign Armenian volunteers? In Greece alone approximately 800 volunteers contacted the Armenian Embassy in Athens expressing their readiness to help The Armed Forces of Armenia. They were all turned down despite having acquired very valuable experience with The Greek Special Forces or other specialized units including “Behind Enemy Line Operations.”
    https://greekcitytimes.com/2020/10/03/former-non-commissioned-officer-im-going-to-artsakh-with-500-800-greeks-to-crush-the-turks/

    5) When India expressed a readiness to supply military hardware to neutralize Pakistan’s extensive help provided to the Azeri Army, Pashinyan lied to the Indian government that he is winning the war and he does not need any help.

    6) Why did Pashinyan knowingly buy obsolete weapons that cannot protect Artsakh’s airspace, thus rendering the ground forces extremely vulnerable to Turkish and Azerbaijani UAV strikes?
    https://artsakhtheinadequateresponse.blogspot.com/2021/01/pm-pashinyan-is-fully-responsible-for.html 

    7) Why did Pashinyan stop the counter offensive attack launched by the Armenian Army on Nov.08, 2020 to liberate Shushi from the Azerbaijani forces, when the Army was very close to achieving a victory?
    Several high ranking military figures, including Colonel Artsrun Hovhannisyan, returned to Yerevan from the front lines of Artsakh on Nov.06/20 convinced that there is no shortage of military hardware, and an adequate number of fighting personnel is well prepared to launch a counter offensive to return Shushi to the full control of The Armenian Army.
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=abZFE3qnCyM
    The Armenian counter offensive was launched on Nov.08/20. It was going extremely well despite the heavy odds stacked against the Armenian Army. A major political interference from The Office of The Prime Minister of Armenia stopped the Armenian offensive, and the trilateral capitulation treaty was signed on Nov.09/20. More than 5.000 soldiers sacrificed their lives in The Second Artsakh War. More than 10.000 brave souls lost limbs and were so badly maimed that they cannot be reintegrated into the workforce of Armenia.

    As long as the previous questions are not answered by Pashinyan, any attempt to discover the truth, will remain a travesty of the justice we owe to all the brave souls who hugged martyrdom on the battlefield of Artsakh to keep the shadow of a Petro Dictator Aliyev away from Stepanakert, and defend the survival of a nation. 

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