There are de facto circumstances that Armenian political leaders — whether in government or opposition — should acknowledge have been unfolding since Russia’s war in Ukraine began. Russia is losing its sphere of influence in the former Soviet republics. From the Arctic to the Baltics to the Black Sea region, recent developments point in the same direction: Norway has joined France’s nuclear deterrence system; Finland, which shares a 1,340-kilometer border with its eastern neighbor, joined NATO after the war began and now allows the storage of nuclear weapons on its territory; and Estonia and Latvia, which have large Russian-speaking populations, have deepened their military cooperation with NATO for the sake of their national survival. Meanwhile, Moldova, a country caught between pro-European and pro-Russian forces, has elected a pro-European government.
Perhaps these are de facto circumstances for the general public, but for political leaders — members of Generation X and the baby boomer generation who spent much of their lives during the Iron Curtain period — these developments could be treated as observable outcomes. International relations and global power dynamics are no longer the same as they were in 2022, when the war in Ukraine began.
The pro-European wave that Eastern Europe in general, and the Baltic and Black Sea regions in particular, are experiencing today also carries important soft-power dimensions. It represents the advance of Western liberal democracy against so-called strongmen, populists and autocrats. It is also a struggle against oligarchy and administrative corruption in favor of competitive market economies and sustained economic growth. At the same time, it entails raising human rights standards, particularly regarding women’s and LGBTQ+ rights, while keeping pace with the ongoing energy transition.
Armenia, as a nascent democracy after spending nearly 70 years under Soviet rule, needs to understand what best serves its national interests in light of these developments. What Armenia needs today are administrative and economic reforms that align it with EU standards. EU-Armenia relations should not be a partisan issue but a national priority, pursued by the government and opposition alike.
Euroskeptics should be reminded that Armenia is already part of the European Neighborhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership initiative. Furthermore, since 2025, Armenia and the EU have adopted the Armenia-EU Partnership Strategic Agenda, which will help modernize Armenia’s institutions.
This must be crystal clear: When Armenian children want to participate in song contests, they compete in Junior Eurovision. When Armenian footballers want to participate in tournaments, they do so in UEFA-organized European competitions. When Armenian political parties participate in conferences, they do so with the Party of European Socialists, as the Armenian Revolutionary Federation does, or with the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, as the Armenian National Congress does.
As a diasporan Armenian living in the Western world, my generation — millennials — and the succeeding generations — Generation Z and Generation Alpha, those that did not live through the Cold War — are witnessing the disappearance of the familiar bipolar world order. We are seeing the emergence of new players on the global stage. Today, the stadium is no longer hosting a USSR vs. USA match. Instead, it has become a tournament with multiple teams competing on different pitches or, at times, cooperating on the same pitch against a mutual challenger.
One player on the international stage is the European Union, represented in this context by France — a major, top-tier military power with skilled and experienced diplomacy.
Franco-Armenian relations have a special character that exceeds any written treaty, document or agreement. France provided shelter to hundreds of thousands of Armenian Genocide survivors who lost their homes and families, either in French-administered mandate territories in modern-day Syria and Lebanon or through resettlement within France’s borders. During the most turbulent periods, France stood with Armenia and the Armenian people.
In turn, Armenian Genocide survivors who grew up in refugee camps and orphanages repaid the nation that hosted them by fully integrating into French political, cultural, entertainment and sporting life.
Missak Manouchian and many others gave their lives for the liberation of France from Nazi occupation. Youri Djorkaeff and Alain Boghossian wore the blue jersey and represented France in FIFA World Cups. Finally, Charles Aznavour — one of the most famous French singers of all time and a recipient of numerous international decorations, honors and awards — was often referred to as the “French pop deity.” And the list goes on.
Franco-Armenian relations have a special character that exceeds any written treaty, document or agreement.
With 162 diplomatic missions around the world and military involvement in various international missions through the U.N., NATO and the EU, France can be placed in the category of countries with diplomatic expertise and military skill.
Strasbourg, a city in the French department of Bas-Rhin, is strategically important to the European Union through its European Quarter, which hosts the European Parliament and the Council of Europe. With a large Armenian community in France that is fully integrated into French life and enjoys civil rights and liberties unavailable in nondemocratic nations, the Coordinating Council of Armenian Organizations in France (CCAF) can play a leading role in deepening EU-Armenia relations and advancing Armenia’s place within the EU.
By weighing the benefits and limitations of the rapid geopolitical shifts in the former Soviet sphere of influence — especially in its European regions — and the emergence of the European Union, in which France plays a leading role, Armenia could deepen its relationship with France and further integrate into the European family.
