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Azerbaijan’s new shopping list

Since the launch of the first Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) war in the 1990s, the region’s status has been at the core of the conflict. This issue was the primary focus of negotiations and different settlement options put forward by the OSCE Minsk Group—package solution, phased approach, Common State, Key West, Kazan document, Lavrov plan—which all tried to find a mutually acceptable solution for the status of Artsakh. At the end of the day, Azerbaijan decided to solve this issue by military force. Azerbaijan probably came to this decision in the early 2000s, hoping it could get more by deploying military force than by any negotiated solutions. Azerbaijan was cautiously waiting for the geopolitical window of opportunity, which appeared in 2020 as a combination of the COVID-19 pandemic, elections in the U.S. and growing misperceptions of Armenia-Russia relations after the 2018 Velvet Revolution. 

The 2020 Artsakh War has significantly changed the balance of power in the region. It underscored Turkey’s growing role and influence and simultaneously resulted in the deployment of Russian peacekeepers to Artsakh. However, it did not solve the issue of status, as despite losing a significant part of its territory, the self-proclaimed Artsakh Republic continued its existence. Azerbaijan was clear that it would not tolerate the existence of the Artsakh Republic and would use force, if necessary, to finish with it. Baku was waiting for another window of opportunity, and it soon arrived, first in the form of the Russia-Ukraine war and then through Armenia’s recognition of Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan in October 2022, May and July 2023. In September 2023, Azerbaijan launched a new offensive against Artsakh and, within 10 days, forced the entire Armenian population to leave the area. The President of the Republic of Artsakh signed a decree on the dissolution of the republic by the end of 2023, albeit the legal aspects of that decree can be debated, and President Samvel Shahramanyan himself stated that no decree could dissolve the state established by the people.

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Dr. Benyamin Poghosyan

Dr. Benyamin Poghosyan is the founder and chairman of the Center for Political and Economic Strategic Studies and a senior research fellow at APRI – Armenia. He was the former vice president for research – head of the Institute for National Strategic Studies at the National Defense Research University in Armenia. In March 2009, he joined the Institute for National Strategic Studies as a research Fellow and was appointed as INSS Deputy Director for research in November 2010. Dr. Poghosyan has prepared and managed the elaboration of more than 100 policy papers which were presented to the political-military leadership of Armenia, including the president, the prime minister and the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Dr. Poghosyan has participated in more than 50 international conferences and workshops on regional and international security dynamics. His research focuses on the geopolitics of the South Caucasus and the Middle East, US – Russian relations and their implications for the region, as well as the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. He is the author of more than 200 academic papers and articles in different leading Armenian and international journals. In 2013, Dr. Poghosyan was a Distinguished Research Fellow at the US National Defense University College of International Security Affairs. He is a graduate from the US State Department Study of the US Institutes for Scholars 2012 Program on US National Security Policy Making. He holds a PhD in history and is a graduate from the 2006 Tavitian Program on International Relations at Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy.

2 Comments

  1. Yet how can Azerbaijan even use the excuse of territorial integrity to justify an attack on the enclaves, as it both occupies a nearby Armenian enclave and would be violating Armenia’s territorial integrity by sending its military through to capture the enclaves. Of course it will try to do both these things, but in these cases it has absolutely no way of appealing to “international law” and “territorial integrity” as it usually does. It just wants to have its cake and eat it too.

  2. My impression is that if Azerbaijan gets anywhere near those eight enclaves, it will mean the end of Armenia as we know it. Armenia will then resemble the swiss cheese that is now the West Bank of Palestine. Therefore I think that Armenia should do two things a) shut down any talk about enclaves- it’s a redline for Armenia and off the table and b) accelerate the build up of Armenian defense forces and Armenian economy/society. It is also clear that Azerbaijan has no intention of signing a peace treaty, nor Turkey has any intention of opening the border anytime soon. As an aside, I am frustrated with Pashinyan’s “peace agenda” when he obviously has no peace partner. Everytime he talks about peace and recognizing Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, he is merely reinforcing the view that Armenia is weak. The movement of the scrap metal smelter plant from the border region of Yeraskh because Armenia could not ensure its security proves the point. It would be much better if he focused on rallying the people of Armenia and diaspora.

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