Sasna Tsrer: The ARF Position in Context

Like most Armenians who followed the developments in Erebuni over the past two weeks, I am deeply passionate about the status of Armenia—our nation, as well as its inhabitants.

On July 17, an armed group calling themselves the “Sasna Tsrer,” primarily made up of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabagh/NKR) war veterans, stormed the Armenian Police Yerevan City Patrol Regiment Building in the suburb of Erebuni, announcing the start of an “uprising.” They took officers as hostages, demanding immediate regime change with the resignation of President Serge Sarkisian and the release of “political prisoners,” especially the leader of the “Founding Parliament” movement, Jirair Sefilyan, himself an Artsakh war veteran.

'[the ARF] has always preferred to protect Armenia’s statehood. Critically, protecting Armenia’s statehood (the nation) does not mean protecting Armenia’s government.'
‘[The ARF] has always preferred to protect Armenia’s statehood. Critically, protecting Armenia’s statehood (the nation) does not mean protecting Armenia’s government.’
On July 31—after days of public anti-government protests, the releasing of all hostages in stages and several shootouts causing injuries on both sides and the death of two police officers—the remaining members of the Sasna Tsrer surrendered to police, stating they have “done their bit” and it was now up to the people to demand and bring about the necessary changes to Armenia.

During the two weeks of the Sasna Tsrer occupation, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF), which is currently in a de facto coalition with Sarkisian’s government, released an initial statement after several press appearances by leaders of the party announcing its position by declaring that there is another “way out” of Armenia’s troubles. They released a second statement condemning the heavy-handed approaches of the police. At the conclusion of the occupation, another statement was released by ARF Bureau member Armen Rustamyan, who called for “no retribution” against the Sasna Tsrer.

As an active member of this party who follows the ARF’s every decision under a microscope, I consider these statements—and the ARF’s position overall on the events relating to the Sasna Tsrer—to be the most responsible, and therefore, most correct. But, unfortunately, this position has also been the most misconstrued in this entire debate.

This is partially because the statements were likely read by most without taking into context the activities of the ARF over the past year in Armenian politics. This could be because the aforementioned “context” was never quite understood—I accept that the ARF position on politics in Armenia is not as populist as storming a Police headquarters and demanding the resignation of an unpopular president.

This article allows me the opportunity to paraphrase the ARF position on the politics of Armenia, the steps it has taken to manufacture change to the status quo, and link this position to the situation in Erebuni with the following points:

– The ARF agrees that corruption is rife in Armenia, and, with the people, it has lost faith in the current structure of governance that rules over the country.

– This is proven by the roadmap the ARF drew and passed by referendum, along with the sitting government, to bring about significant constitutional reforms to Armenia.

– These reforms will convert Armenia from a presidential system of governance (where one person has the major say) to a parliamentary system of governance (where the collective within the Parliament have the major say).

– These reforms also mean the formation of a Judiciary independent of the government, which is not currently the case.

– Among other things, the reforms further mean the drawing of a new electoral code to prevent vote rigging that the ARF itself has complained about for many years.

A few questions I suggest we ask ourselves at this point, prior to continuing with the points:

Question 1: If the ARF was satisfied with the current form of government and was simply kowtowing to the President, as critics suggest, why would the party suggest and champion Constitutional reforms based on taking power away from a president and placing it into the hands of a collective?

Question 2: If the ARF believed the current justice system was free and fair, and was appropriately dealing with oligarchy, monopolies, and corruption, why would the party have suggested and championed changes which makes the Judiciary independent of the government?

Question 3: If the ARF believed that every vote at elections was based on the free and fair will of the people, why would it have suggested and championed a tightening of the electoral code to ensure greater oversight at polling stations?

If these questions are asked with honesty, and without anti-ARF tinted glasses, they would become rhetorical. This is my intention.

Back to the points:

These reforms passed in a referendum earlier this year.

As unpopular as the ARF knew the decision would be, the party then decided to join in a de facto coalition with the current government of Sarkisian’s Republican Party, arguing that it was a necessary step to ensure the necessary oversight to implement the reforms within the nominated timeline—gaining critical momentum in the May 2017 parliamentary elections and ending with the 2018 presidential election.

As part of the agreement to join the government, the ARF was able to name three ministers currently serving in the nation’s government. Without going into arduous detail on each of their many policies focused on the party’s blue-collar roots, these ministers have taken to their responsibilities by maintaining a critical and commendable consistency with the goals the ARF had when promoting the constitutional reforms.

For example, the Minister for the Economy (Artsvik Minasyan), has begun working on the breaking up of monopolies disproportionately taking advantage of the nation’s wealth. Another example, the Minister for Education (Levon Mkrtchyan) is working on the de-politicization of schools, to ensure state-employed teachers have free will to vote for whomever they want without fear for their future.

Based on the previous point, the work is on track.

Also, the timeline is on track—the May 2017 parliamentary elections are when these reforms will pass their first major implementation milestone. The 2018 presidential elections will see the election of a person to a ceremonial (rather than all-powerful) President’s position. This will see the reforms completed.

The above is the “context” that is critical to the ARF’s position regarding the actions of the Sasna Tsrer. More points bringing the ARF context into the situation in Erebuni:

Considering all of the above, when the Sasna Tsrer decided to implement regime change by the immediate resignation of the President through armed “uprising,” the ARF could not possibly agree.

Firstly, what would such an unlikely immediate resignation of a president mean? Would Armenia elect another all-powerful president instead, but one more popular than Sarkisian? An honest observer will at least admit that there was a lack of political planning to this populist action from military men, which would surely derail the well thought-out reforms the ARF has been successful in pushing.

Secondly, the ARF has experienced the frustrations of the Sasna Tsrer before with governments of the past. There were the early 1990’s, when then-President Levon Ter Petrosian expelled the ARF from Armenia and jailed its leading members. If there ever was a party currently active in Armenian political life which has a proven track record of knowing how to use a gun, it is the 125-year-old ARF. It has fought Sultans, led uprisings against Bolsheviks, avenged Pashas, and liberated Sartarabads. The ARF has luminaries like Gevorg Chavoush, Garegin Njteh, Antranik Pasha, Tatul Krpeyan, and Shahen Meghrian.

Despite this history, it has always preferred to protect Armenia’s statehood. Critically, protecting Armenia’s statehood (the nation) does not mean protecting Armenia’s government (the leaders of the day). This is why the ARF did not raise arms against Ter Petrosian and his stooges.

And more recently, when the Armenia-Turkey Protocols would have sinfully rerouted the direction of justice for the Armenian Genocide and threatened Artsakh’s independence, the ARF fought the political fight. This was without resorting to pointing weapons at those taking the Armenian state down the path of destruction. Per the ARF, the Armenian State is untouchable. The ARF believes governments and governance can change through politics, not by diminishing the nation’s statehood.

The ARF was successful in politically fighting these fights, and it wants to win this fight politically also, hence why it has pushed the constitutional reforms agenda.

The ARF accurately denounced the actions of the Sasna Tsrer. They didn’t denounce their frustrations, as the same frustrations led the ARF down the path of constitutional reforms. They didn’t denounce the people’s calls for a fair democracy, a more representative government, free elections, or a better Judiciary, as the same calls by the ARF led it down the path of constitutional reforms.

And regarding the Artsakh undertone that has crept into the Erebuni debate—that lands and Artsakh independence was about to be surrendered by the government—the ARF, through its peak World Congress and recent reaffirmations by its hierarchy in Armenia, made it clear that it is against any return of sovereign Artsakh land or threats to Artsakh’s statehood. Let’s be clear here, there will never be anybody in an ARF leadership position, who would be able to remain in an ARF leadership position, if they tried to argue for the return of sovereign Artsakh lands or surrendering the independence of Artsakh to Azerbaijan. This means that a government of Armenia, which includes the ARF as its de facto partner, would not be able to negotiate away our just rights in Artsakh. We should all take comfort in that fact.

I am glad that the ARF’s wishes that the Sasna Tsrer episode would end with the surrender of these men to authorities came to fruition, avoiding further bloodshed.

I trust, like the ARF, that the authorities are honest that these men will be treated lightly for their offences, considering their service to country. And despite condemnable and condemned failings on this front so far, I further trust that the state police will allow the people to freely and safely demonstrate for their rights in Armenia’s streets.

I do wish for these people to get behind the constitutional reforms as the only peaceful path that has so far been tabled to the democracy Armenia craves and deserves.

My last point is regarding the key concern some people and other opposition groups had to the suggested constitutional reforms, which form the context behind the ARF’s position on Erebuni. They are concerned that these reforms would somehow lead to more years of Serge Sarkisian in power, or the continued power concentration for his cohorts.

I understand these concerns. Therefore, I think it would be appropriate and timely, after the dust has settled from the Sasna Tsrer saga, for President Sarkisian to personally announce (like a spokesperson of his party has already done), that he will not seek public office in Armenia after his current term is up.

The rest is up to the people, as it should be.

The ARF is with the people. It just has a different roadmap than Sasna Tsrer to the changes needed in Armenia. This roadmap is peaceful and deserves a chance, as it ultimately upholds the statehood of the Republic of Armenia.

Haig Kayserian

Haig Kayserian

Haig Kayserian is the Executive Director of the Armenian National Committee of Australia, with a Bachelors in Media & Cultural Studies (Macquarie University) and is currently completing his Masters in Politics & Policy (Deakin University). He is a director at several technology companies based in the US and Australia and is an advisory board member at Armenia’s first technology venture capital firm.
Haig Kayserian

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  1. One question needs to be clarified concerning Artsakh. There is confusion on what is being negotiated. It is important to clearly define the territories of the province of Armenian Artsakh. Many people understand it as the combined mountainous and tashdayin territories of Artsakh (Territories before the Soviet rule). The Soviet Union illegally and forcefully occupied Armenian territories, thus their defined borders among the various republics they created cannot be accepted as a legal position. So please define the legal territories of Armenia Artsakh, and also clearly define what is being negotiated with the Azeris. We are hearing about concessions, what are these concessions?

  2. ARF Armenia is an official partner of this criminal regime and thus must take full responsibility for the criminality which is rife in all sectors from police thugs to injustices,coupled with the fact that there is not an ounce of democracy in Armenia,not to mention the endemic corruption from top to bottom in this criminal regime.Under this regime a failed state is looking in our face either we change it or loose the state.

    • Yes, and the ARF (and other parties, churches etc.) welcomed Sargsyan whole heartedly on his visit to the US a few months ago.

      Why did they not protest his rigged election and corruption?

  3. Sorry, I am not convinced.
    Which monopolies have been broken up?
    Which oligarchs and corrupt officials have been prosecuted and forced to pay back the stolen money?
    What does the ARF in Armenia and in the US have to say and DO about Armenian citizens who come to this country and buy mansions with stolen money?

    There is rampant electoral fraud in Armenia.
    Until that is solved, Armenia is not a democracy and thus not answerable to its citizens.

    I am also aware that at least one Armenian ambassador was an ARF member but was no more active than other talentless ambassadors before him in cooperating with the Diaspora. And don’t tell me that an Armenian ambassador cannot interact with Armenian Diasporans.

  4. Very objective analysis.
    Political analysts and activists should be able to differentiate (if they are independent) between the targets: turkish and azeri borders are not the same as the in-house official institutions, they are 180 degrees opposite.
    The ARF, since the 1991 independence, lost in every vote, where it campaigned with its candidate(s) as a separate entity, but never resorted to armed violence (as the author mentions too), because it doesn’t want to present “Armenia’s head” on a silver platter to the enemies, whoever they are: the North, the West, the East or on the borders.
    Constitutional changes in the current direction is the largest step forward, the best improvement ever, since the 1991 Independence, towards creating a free Armenian civil society, at the same time categorically excluding bloodshed. The individuals who opposed it are looking to keep the “one man show/power” structure of Armenia, to further their centrist agendas like Levon Ter Petrosyan, Stepan Demirchyan, Raffi Hovhannisian, even Robert Kocharyan, because they don’t have the popular vote, to launch a government based on a majority.
    Corruption exists in Armenia, it’s inherited from the Soviet times and it’s primary to uproot it as hard as possible; the new voted Constitution is the best means yet.

    Sarkis Dagdevirian

  5. it hurts to see what has happened in my homeland ! Things don`t happen for no reason, wake up TIME FOR A CHANGE. REAL CHANGE !!!!

  6. Where do I start!? How long will my comment be!?

    I think I will just agree with MK’s (above) comment that reminds everyone of the massive corruption (theft) that the ruling regime engages in. The ARF is a part of the ruling regime. They can make as many disapproving statements as they like, but the are now criminal-regime-partners who are tolerant of, and unable to stop, the oligarchs. Also, every time the author mentions “elections” or “elected,” he left out the previous words which should always be “massively fraudulent.” Finally, even if Serzhik doesn’t run for any office, he will remain the head of the Republican party. The criminal Republican party will remain in power forever! HOW?, you ask? Get ready, here it is: massively fraudulent elections. That’s why MK says there’s not an ounce of democracy in Armenia! Oh, and what about those election reforms? The do not include any ability for review (checking) the signed voter lists. SO, many dead people, people in foreign countries, people who voted 5 times… are on the voter lists and, of course, never sign them but magically vote for Republicans. The fraud in December was laughable. Republicans HAD to make it MASSIVE because many accurate estimates had the referendum (to make Armenia into a Parliamentary government, as the ARF wanted) LOSING 10 to 1! The fraud was outrageous. So this author cannot just throw words around like “elected”, “voted”, “voted for the constitutional change to a parliamentary system.” It’s Bull because, as MK comments above, there is not an ounce of democracy in Armenia. This is because the criminals in the Republican/ARF coalition regime are, well, criminals. And these criminals hate democracy. So they simply steal the voices of the people. The criminals must resign, their assets returned to the people and theymust be tried by a truly independent court, probably like the Nuremburg trials after WW2. Massive steps are needed to clean up the 25-years of massive injustices the criminals continue to do to Armenia and her people.

  7. I am not a political activist but a passionate Armenian who would love to see the country progress but I am sorry, I do not agree with comments such as: “if there was ever a party currently active in Armenian political life which has a proven track record of knowing how to use a gun, it is the 125 year old ARF”. What is this trying to prove? is democracy being discarded because of such comments to prove a point? Sorry, but I do not agree with this type of comment. It is dangerous, it does not prove anything and it goes against the total democratic process of governance because of such comments. There are problems in Armenia and we all know that, those problems can be resolved through political dialogue. The political parties should need to sit down and work out it’s policies for the benefit of Armenia. Those found of corrupt behaviour should be brought to justice. The country cannot continue with corruption but also cannot continue with threats such as the one expressed. Please let there be some sensible discussion. Violence is not the answer. Armenia is the concern first and foremost. Try and work through the process and discard issues such as violence and or using guns – it does nothing but bring grief.

  8. Dear Haig, I am not anti-ARF but your apologetic piece is just that – apologetic. De facto ARF is party to all the crimes of the occupation regime of Sargsyan. He has his internal army to suppress the will of the people – the police and NSS, which are very well fed and equipped as opposed to our Armed Forces. So, PLEASE, just keep your silence as you always did with Sargsyan and looked for the bones for good beahviour. Thanks to these policies ARF is now as discredited and hated as Catholicos and as Armenia’s entire occupation regime. You will have a lot of cleaning to do to be worthy of the names you have mentioned in your comment – Sasna Tsrer, Gevorg Chavoush, Garegin Njteh, Antranik Pasha, Tatul Krpeyan, and Shahen Meghrian.

  9. First, if the present government WANTED to have free election! stop corruption! have an independent judiciary , they could have done it long ago. We all know that the president decided to change the constitution and opt for a parliamentary system just to retain power. Whether we agree or disagree with Sasna Dzrer it is a fact that the president and his supporters/ mafia continue the same tactics . The same Serge Satkisian who initiated constitutional reform is the same Serge Sarkisian whose regime is fundamentally based on oppression, corruption and injustice. Would they Change their behaviour and appetite for power with the constitution reform? Why did Serge nominate a anti- corruption committee made of oligarchs, why has he persistently faked elections? Same Artzivig Minasyan at a press conference stated that monopolies can be good for Armenia and he will not ban them. IT is Serge’s policies and the police state he created that gave rise to Sans Dzrer. We all know how poor negotiations gave way to the situation where we are now asked to give up liberated teriritory of Karabagh WITHOUT any guarantee of status or sovereignty for Karabagh. For such a failed government, with record emigration, higher rates of poverty, corruption at all levels , illegal repression and failed negotiations for Karabagh , frankly one should think twice of joining forces with Serge. It is a known fact in Armenia that all ARF is interested in is to maintain its economic investments and few MP s because as a party they are completely discredited and viewed as a puppet of this inefficient and corrupt government. For 8 years since Serge’s presidency – beside the Protocols – show me an instances when ARF brought forth the corruption or they took a
    Position in tune with the wishes of the people. Everybody in Armenia knows about the imminent loss of lands and yet ARF is silent. Every one knows and there are so many testimonies how corruption affected even our national security and was the reason we lost in the April war……and ARF was silent, everyone knows that corruption over the years made Armenia a vassal of Russia…..and ARF was silent. Do you want to say that by magic with the change to Parliamentary system ARF and The monopolistic Republican Party (politically and economically) will start reform in Armenia? Does the author know about the wide spread voting fraud during the constitutional referendum something which iwas pointed out but numerous observers who were either muzzled or ignored. I think the author is in complete denial or cut off from reality. His assertions are based on abstract concepts which have no grounding in the realities of power of Armenia today.

  10. I’m surprised not to find any word about de-facto lost statehood to Putine Russia by giving up all, all – my friends, strategically valued objects and infrastructure of Armeniae economy and defence. This is anti-collonial, anti-Russian collonial uprise, which will continue, because otherwise all of Artsakh will be brought back to pre 1988 situation. This was preserved and implemented by infamous treaty of Kars. Russians are selling Armenia, yet once again to turks, by restoration of this treaty. By what ARF members of governmet do, as of today, is nothing more than beheaded chicken trying to clean up own territory…

  11. “The ARF is with the people. It just has a different roadmap than Sasna Tsrer to the changes needed in Armenia. This roadmap is peaceful and deserves a chance, as it ultimately upholds the statehood of the Republic of Armenia.”Says Haig Kayserian but so claims also the Republican Party of Armenia. I doubt that Haig Kayserian is claiming that the political partners of ARF-D, the Republican Party of Armenia is not also with people of Armenia. Being for Armenia and the with the people are rhetorical statements meant to stir emotions but mean not much. The political pact of the ARF-D and the Republican Party of Armenia has made it amply evident that both have been and are in tune with each as the constituents for governance of Armenia.

  12. Do you really need to write several pages to defend ARF’s position? If the ARF was “clean”, it would be obvious and you wouldn’t need to.

    And FYI, among the “luminaries” you mention, Garegin Njdeh and Antranig both left the ARF. Not to mention Shahan Natalie who also resigned!

    The ARF in Armenia has nothing to do with what the ARF has been historically. They only bare the same name. They are the same crooks, criminals and liars as the rest of the political arena in Armenia. Don’t waste your time defending people who have nothing to do with the historical ARF. You probably have never met Armen Rustamian or Ardzvik Minasian in person, nor have you analyzed nor seen their actions, read their comments. If you had, you know you would never try to defend such two-faced, conniving and lying people.

    Your article also makes me wonder whether you’ve actually read the new constitution. Do you realize that it is a two-round jackpot system that guarantees one party or coalition a “stable majority” in parliament? … and that the definition of “stable majority” is not even defined in the constitution, but is to be defined in a future electoral law?

  13. It is very disheartening that most of the comments are negative. A sad reflection of some of the thinking in the Diaspora.
    We are all entitled to our opinions. However, unfounded broad allegations without any proof are not constructive. Non-objective emotional outbursts do not add value to the debate or the dialogue.
    What happened is tragic and should not have happened. We should now give a chance to the Justice system, to reach to its just and fair conclusions and come up with the necessary reforms to bring unity and a healthy democratic environment, where free expression is truly free.
    Otherwise, the alternative will be most discouraging.
    Vart Adjemian

  14. Let me venture a guess that the oligarchs tell SS what to do.
    They control him because they have the money to bribe the police and army.
    What needs to happen, in any case, is the HONEST political parties and the Sassoun Daredevils in opposition have to set up their own courts, try the oligarchs, and impose sentences.
    These same courts must demand the return of ill-gotten money from foreign countries where oligarchs have established bank account. If need be, these courts can be established in the Diaspora if Serge is going to shut them down in Armenia. Sentences can be imposed “in absentia.”
    Oligarchs’ kids in the US and elsewhere must be made to give up their mansions and money and returned to Armenia where sentences can be imposed and carried out without delay so that these thieving little brats (and dear thieving Mom and Dad) get what they so richly deserve.

    The sentences will not be pleasant one. No, not at all pleasant.

  15. I read Haig’s article and those of the 11 commentators. Haig is stating the “approach and method” ARF has chosen in order to bring about changes in Armenia. The commentators, eight out of eleven, are “accusing” the ARF with collusion with the authorities. Statement such as … “the ARF are RP’s partner”, “ARF is party to the corrupt regime”, “members of the ARF are criminals”, etc. are used. It is their right to speak their mind. But Is there a foundation for the accusations? Then, why are the ARF accusers silent regarding the killing of the two policemen? Does their silence mean they agree with Armenians kill Armenians? I like to believe they don’t agree. In a similar exchange to views, I have even come across justification for the killing as the “only alternative to bring about change in Armenia.” BUT THERE IS AN ALTERNATIVE. The ARF method and approach which Haig is highlighting. Shouldn’t peaceful change be given a chance? Why not give ARF a chance?
    All agree that since independence, successive leaders have allowed the development of corruption, the oligarchs have taken the riches of the country, deep social degradation has been created, and all this has resulted in significant emigration out of the homeland. Like the commentators, ARF is concerned. And is doing something about it with conviction.
    When you look in depth, ARF is driven by its principles. It does not accept Armenian hostages be taken, nor cold blooded murder of policemen. It does not accept that Armenians are killed by other Armenians in Armenia. For ARF the solution to the current problems is not via taking arms against Armenians. Haig rightly reminds us that, in 1992-94, during the darkest hours for the ARF, under the Government of Levon Ter Petrossian, when the party was banned and a number of activist imprisoned, ARF never wanted to use violence, and then, it was even accused by some, for not taking up arms. In Armenia non-violence was then and is today the guiding principle for ARF. That is her track record.
    Why then did the ARF decide to return to a Government when it does not endorse the policies? When in opposition outside the Government, the ARF concluded that it was outside the centres of decision-making and unable to act to make a difference. To be a driving force for change in Armenia, ARF is convinced that from inside it will be able to move the country towards the rule of law, respect of fundamental freedoms and democracy. Remember, ARF’s entrance in the Government was the subject of lengthy negotiations, embodied by the signing of a memorandum of understanding, and the appointment of a Supervisory Board agreed to by ARF and the presidential party.
    As Haig mentioned, there has been progress. It is true, insufficient, but important. To name a few. At the summit of changes, the constitutional reform, which the ARF has been at the forefront since 1992 and since Levon Ter Petrossian introduced the presidential “monarchism”. Then, the new electoral code for which the ARF conducted very hard negotiations for six months. The introduction of obligation of transparency of financial investments. The establishment of an Agency of independents, for fight against corruption. The improvement of conditions for students, through the fight against corruption in university examinations, the implementation of de-politicization in national education by forbidding professors to be members of a political party. The financial assistance to the regions to maintain the population on the land.
    The work to be done is immense and the people are exasperated, impatient and aspire to greater freedom and a better distribution of wealth. But today, despite all its faults the country needs stability in order to gradually improve things and not destabilizing conditions that could lead to civil war. The changes through institutional channels are longer to perform and less visible than the burst of shots. But it is the only way that ensures a process of real change and at the same time does not affect the security and integrity of the State which remains the most valuable asset to defend at the moment in a Caucasus bubbling with dangerous uncertainties, while Turkey and Azerbaijan are exerting pressure, particularly in the unresolved conflict of Karabakh. ARF believes that on our Land, rule of law should and could be established by non-violent means and methods. This is what the majority of Armenians expect. The other alternative, Armenians and Armenia cannot afford.

    WE ARE ALL ARMENIANS, ARMENIANS DON’T AND SHOULD NEVER SHOOT OR HARM EACH OTHER !! Like One of Our Heros Said : “Your Last Bullet before being Captured By Turks Should Not Be Used to Kill Yourself BUT to Kill Another a TURK !!
    May God Be with All Armenian People, Amen !
    Vahe’ Gharibian

  17. To those dashnags (and not only) who keep singing the same song – “an Armenian should not spill the blood of another Armenian”. Serjik and Robik spilled blood on March 1, 2008 after which dashnags did not mind joining the illegitimate bloody government.

    ARF is as discredited as it gets (at least in Armenia) and no amount of rant will help its reputation.

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